Communist Government: Post WWII Anti-Communism and McCarthyism

Updated March 27, 2011

Communist governments and anti-communist crusaders continued with a head-to-head battle of wits in the post World War II era. Communism threatened to spread throughout the world, despite the efforts of President Truman, President Franklin D. Roosevelt before him, and other more colorful anti-communist figures such as Senator Joseph McCarthy. The world is as concerned with communism today as it was 50 years ago, although the frenzy to overwhelm the public with anti-communist campaigns is far less aggressive.

The anti-communist movement in post-war America saw the rise in popularity of Wisconsin Republican Senator Joseph McCarthy. McCarty spent years crusading against the communist threat by leveling allegations of subversion against hundreds of people, including government officials. While these tactics were somewhat beneficial to the Republican party of the day, nobody was safe from McCarthy's rampage as he attempted to unveil communist activity within the United States. McCarthy's own brand of anti-communist sentiment became known as McCarthyism. Unlike the term, anti-communism, referring to anyone who opposed unpatriotic behavior, McCarthyism excessive style targeted everybody, including those who dared to associated with or defend the innocent, including many who were far removed and obviously not communist at all.

As radical as McCarthy’s own brand of anti-communism seemed, world sentiment appeared to be on his side. A report in the New York Times (1950) on the state of the Korean War, stated:

The invasion at its worst can mean World War III. The time has come when we must make up our minds if we are going to stand up to Russia in defense of that part of Asia that has not already fallen under Communist rule, or whether we are going to turn Asia over to Russia (p.10).

There was some concern about the current containment policy introduced in the Truman Doctrine of 1947. The Washington Post (1950) sported an article expressing concern, saying “a vacuum has opened up in our policy where- ever the line of American defense does not coincide with the front line of the Communist advance. What is to be our policy beyond the lines of our own defense?” (Lippmann, p.13). Current policy had vowed to keep communist forces within their present boundaries by providing support to those nations at risk of being overrun by subversive forces, but an overhaul of the policies was requested by Truman and presented in 1950 by the National Security Council.

The new version of American Foreign Policies contained in the paper known as NSC-68 offered greater assistance to at-risk nations, and declared that American forces would even take the helm of floundering countries to minimize risk of communist invasion. These new measures would apply to all nations, regardless of any financial outcome favorable to the United States (Brinkley, p.775).

On the home-front, the battle against communist subversion continued. The House Committee on Un-American Activities passed legislation on, among other things, “permitting only American citizens to hold office in any labor union subject to Federal laws” (Los Angeles Times, p.2). McCarthy’s rampage continued to put nerves on edge as he systematically accused one person after another of anti-communist involvement. While some admired the brash and ignorant behavior of Joseph McCarthy, others winced as they feel from public grace. One political career after another died a dismal death as McCarthy leveled accusations of subversion, regardless of whether he possessed information confirming any wrong-doing. Nobody was safe, not even Dwight D. Eisenhower who was campaigning for President of the United States when McCarthy turned on him with accusations of communist sentiment. The fear of communist invasion was at an all time high, and the Korean War had helped to keep those concerns at the forefront of American minds.

In 1953 with the assistance of the United Nations, allied forces “managed to drive the North Koreans out of the south and stabilize the original division of the peninsula”(Brinkley, p.786). Richard M. Nixon, who was running mate for Eisenhower during the presidential campaign, was said to have “exploited the issue of domestic subversion. After surviving early accusations of financial improprieties (which he effectively neutralized in a famous television address, the ‘Checkers speech’), Nixon went on to launch harsh attacks on Democratic ‘cowardice,’‘appeasement,’ and ‘treason’“(Brinkley, p.785). Those fiery attacks on the Democrats had previously been ignited by McCarthy, whose unfounded accusations of internal subversion were largely directed at the Truman administration.

Eisenhower went on to win that election in 1952, throwing the Democrats and Truman out of office. Perhaps it was Eisenhower’s stance on ending the Korean War that had drawn public favor. Either way, the end of the war heralded new beginnings for the United States, and tougher penalties for communists. As much as Eisenhower did not like Joseph McCarthy, the Republican Party successfully used McCarthy’s bold accusations of internal subversion to their advantage during their campaign.

Reference

Brinkley, A. (2007). American History: A Survey (12th.ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill. Retrieved from University of Phoenix website:

Lippmann, W. (1950). Today and Tomorrow: After Containment, What? Retrieved October 4, 2010, from ProQuest Historical Newspapers: University of Phoenix Library

Los Angeles Times. (1950). Antisubversive Laws Outlined by House Group. Retrieved October 4, 2010, from ProQuest Historical Newspapers: University of Phoenix Library

New York Times. (1950). Comments by Press of Nation on Korean Situation. Retrieved October 4, 2010, from ProQuest Historical Newspapers: University of Phoenix Library